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Luis Britto García: I resist, therefore I am
Centre for Counter Hegemonic Studies
17 Jun 2026
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Anti-imperialism mural

We all know what lies behind the deafening silence that oppresses us. Without any consultation of our will, they intend to strip us of sovereignty, independence, natural resources, autonomy, rights, past, present, and future, in favor of an aggressive power that hates and despises us.

Originally published in Centre for Counter Hegemonic Studies.

Commentary on the January 2026 collapse in Venezuela. Luis Britto is a leading Venezuelan intellectual and writer. English translation first, the Spanish original follows. Original post of 9 May 2026 is here.

We suffered a terrible blow. If we want to overcome it, we must acknowledge it, investigate its causes, and correct its effects.

We reiterate that, according to a Hinterlaces poll from October 2025, 83% of respondents would be willing to face a foreign military invasion, only 6% would not, and 89% believed that the true objective of any intervention would be to overthrow President Nicolás Maduro and seize the oil.

Six months later, I haven’t found a single compatriot who doesn’t reiterate those answers, but accompanied by new questions.

First, it must be determined clearly, precisely, and in detail what happened or didn’t happen in the early morning of January 3, 2026. Venezuela had and still has modern, effective, and expensive weaponry that was not used. Forty-seven Venezuelan soldiers and 32 Cuban escorts died bravely repelling the massive aggression with rudimentary weapons. It is essential to know the facts exactly and correct shortcomings for future and foreseeable confrontations.

The investigation must reformulate the Strategic and Tactical Doctrine of Security and Defense. It would seem that in the face of a swift skirmish that demonstrated the enemy’s air superiority, an unconditional surrender was decided upon, with weapons, troops, and equipment almost intact, and without the adversary having effectively and lastingly controlled even an inch of national territory. A new doctrine must categorically exclude the kidnapping of officials or mere coercion as concessions that infringe upon sovereignty.

It has always been known that the United States enjoys superiority in conventional weaponry. This is not an argument for all the peoples of the world to surrender to it at will. Many of them have decisively defeated it with inferior weapons. To resist it, one must adopt the tactics of unconventional warfare that have systematically rendered this superiority useless in almost all asymmetric conflicts of the past and present century. It is urgent to understand why these tactics were not applied in this case, to formulate doctrines that correct errors, and to incorporate all citizens into active defense.

The Venezuelan people are unaware of the scope of the concessions made to the enemy in the minutes following the aggression, or by what mechanism or form these concessions are being modified or expanded to the present and foreseeable future. Given the prevailing uncertainty on this matter, we presume that the aggressor aspires to an absolutely totalitarian discretionary power that would entail the disappearance of Venezuela’s sovereignty and the unconditional plundering of its resources. Laws have been passed that seek to enable the unconstitutional privatization of our hydrocarbon and mining industries, drastically reduce the State’s participation in them, and submit any related disputes to foreign courts or arbitrators. The aim is to usurp all the rights that belong to our people without assuming any obligations toward them.

Such a model is unsustainable. The invading propaganda claims that a period of torrential investment is beginning, bringing floods of foreign currency and prosperity. Elsewhere, we have reported on the failure of the January 9, 2026 meeting between the President of the United States and some 17 American oil companies, intended to divide up Venezuela’s energy spoils. Not a single one pledged any investment. They considered the country “uninvestable” due to a lack of legal certainty, because extracting the first drop of oil would require an investment of one billion dollars and a ten-year timeframe, and because some of the country’s wealth was already committed.

Indeed, over 45% of the oil and gas fields have been legally granted in concessions for more than 25 years to Chinese companies and subsidiaries of the Russian state oil company Roznef, which explored and extracted hydrocarbons while the US embargo prevented the maintenance of a large portion of the remaining fields. Among the information gaps following the invasion is the current status of these Russian and Chinese operations and the hydrocarbons and other minerals produced there. The revenues from such concessions are inalienably Venezuelan, and as such, must be deposited into the Treasury and distributed through the National Budget and Administration.

On the other hand, the enemy inflexibly maintains its aggressive stance. Not a single one of the thousands of unilateral coercive measures applied against Venezuela has been repealed. The hostages seized by brute force have not been released. The patent falsity of the pretexts for the invasion has not been acknowledged: the non-existence of the so-called Cartel of the Suns and the defunct Tren de Aragua, the non-existence of the production and smuggling of illicit substances, the non-existence of an opposition majority that supposedly obtained electoral majorities. Not a word has been said about reparations for the damages caused by a quarter-century of atrocious harassment and a blockade of more than a decade, by a bombing campaign carried out by 150 aircraft, or by Venezuelan assets illegitimately confiscated abroad. Our country is being subjected to all the rigor and coercion of an illegitimate state of war, not authorized by the United States Congress.

In a previous text, we pointed out that the invader, through Executive Order 14.373, intends to divert all income from Venezuelan hydrocarbons and minerals—historically, 80% of the country’s foreign exchange earnings—to a U.S. Treasury account or secret private accounts in Qatar, under U.S. discretionary administration and solely for the purchase of goods produced in that country.

With the announcement of this unacceptable, near-total plundering of our income comes the announcement of the resumption of relations with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, institutions specializing in undermining the sovereignty of nations through the extortion of unpayable public debts. Deprived of income, Venezuela will have to cover its expenses by accepting usurious loans secured with what remains of its assets and resources. The new funds will be preferentially used to pay off, at their full face value, debts acquired at symbolic prices by vulture funds.

This total dispossession of public revenue will have devastating consequences. In recent times, Venezuelan government social spending has accounted for over 70% of total expenditures. The drastic reduction in available funds will lead to the dismantling of all current programs in education, health, housing, social assistance, food, culture, scientific research, agricultural and livestock development, industrialization, defense, and infrastructure—programs already severely damaged by more than a quarter-century of aggression, a decade of blockade, and over a thousand unilateral coercive measures designed to strangle and destroy our economy.

With the dismantling of these programs or the drastic reduction of their staff, imposing barely symbolic salaries, a wave of unemployment will ensue, which the limited private investment will be unable to absorb.

This situation will have political repercussions. As the government becomes increasingly unable to address the population’s most vital needs, support for organizations that collaborate with the occupation will diminish.

The right-wing opposition, dismissed as a political instrument by the invaders due to its lack of popular support, will become increasingly violent in an attempt to curry favor with the occupiers. Electoral processes administered by the same firms that committed fraud in Honduras, Peru, Ecuador, and other countries will legitimize sham elections that will seize power from representative organizations.

Drastic reforms to labor laws will be enacted, reversing or eliminating workers’ rights, with social, economic, and political repercussions similar to those caused by such measures during the last century.

Collaboration with the invaders will generate illegal profits for a tiny elite of influence peddlers and transnational speculators, and will destroy the prestige of any political and social movements that engage in it.

Of the Empire, as of the Bourbons, it can be said that it has neither forgotten nor learned anything. It will undertake a systematic, relentless, and comprehensive eradication of all movements that have or have had a progressive orientation, or even hints of one. Once their usefulness is exhausted, the collaborationist sector will be no exception. The facts and ideas of the Liberators will disappear from the media, educational programs, and history itself, or will be grotesquely falsified to represent the opposite of their ideals. Following the guidelines of Rudolf Atkon, education will be merely instrumental; in accordance with those of Laura Berns, free higher education will be eliminated.

We all know what lies behind the deafening silence that oppresses us. Without any consultation of our will, they intend to strip us of sovereignty, independence, natural resources, autonomy, rights, past, present, and future, in favor of an aggressive power that hates and despises us.

Since the invasion, two battles have been waged: one for the annihilation of our country, and another for the full recovery of sovereignty, resources, independence, autonomy, and self-determination for the Venezuelan people.

You already know which side you must be on.

Self-defense is the most undeniable of human rights, and it is our responsibility to exercise it as a resistance movement to the best of our ability, through thoughts, words, and deeds. Ideas to understand the atrocious reality, words to denounce it, and actions to change it. Existing organizations must be oriented toward resistance and victory; when that is not possible, new ones must be created. There are as many forms of resistance as there are people and talents; each person must embrace it within the scope of their skills, abilities, and competencies. Resistance must take on more forms than the oppression it combats, and a people has the right to exercise them all rather than consent to servitude or extinction.

I resist, therefore I am.

Resisto, luego existo / Luís Britto García

Original de 9 Mayo 2026.

 


 

Sufrimos  un golpe atroz. Si queremos superarlo, debemos admitirlo, investigar causas, corregir  efectos.

Reiteramos que según encuesta de Hinterlaces de octubre de 2025, el 83% de los consultados estaría dispuesto a enfrentar una invasión militar extranjera, sólo 6%  no lo haría, y 89% consideró que el verdadero objetivo de una eventual intervención sería derrocar al presidente Nicolás Maduro para apoderarse del petróleo.

Seis meses más tarde, no he encontrado un solo compatriota que no reitere esas respuestas, pero acompañadas de nuevas preguntas.

En primer lugar, se ha de averiguar de manera clara, precisa y detallada qué ocurrió o dejó de ocurrir la  madrugada del 3 de enero de 2026. Venezuela disponía  y dispone de armamentos modernos, eficaces y costosos que no se emplearon. Cuarenta y siete soldados venezolanos y 32 escoltas cubamos murieron repeliendo valientemente la descomunal agresión con armas elementales. Es preciso conocer con exactitud los hechos y corregir fallas para futuros y previsibles enfrentamientos.

La investigación debe reformular la Doctrina Estratégica y Táctica de Seguridad y Defensa. Parecería que ante una rápida escaramuza que demostró la superioridad aérea del enemigo se decidió una rendición incondicional, con armas, contingentes y parques casi intactos y sin que el adversario hubiera dominado de manera efectiva y duradera ni un centímetro del territorio nacional. Una nueva doctrina ha de excluir categóricamente que el secuestro de funcionarios o la mera coerción se traduzcan en concesiones lesivas a la soberanía.

Desde siempre se ha sabido que Estados Unidos goza de superioridad en armamento convencional. Ello no es argumento para que se le rindan a discreción todos los pueblos de la tierra. Muchos de ellos lo han derrotado rotundamente con armas inferiores.  Para resistirlo cabe adoptar las tácticas de guerra no convencional que han hecho sistemáticamente  inútil dicha superioridad en casi todos los conflictos asimétricos del pasado y el presente siglo. Urge saber por qué en este caso no se aplicaron dichas tácticas, formular doctrinas que corrijan errores, incorporar a la defensa activa  a toda la ciudadanía.

El pueblo venezolano desconoce el alcance de las concesiones que se hicieron al enemigo en los minutos siguientes a la agresión, o por cual mecanismo o en qué forma varían o se amplían dichas concesiones hasta el presente y el futuro previsible. Por la indefinición que reina sobre la materia, presumimos que el agresor aspira a un poder discrecional absolutamente totalitario que implique la desaparición de la soberanía de Venezuela y la rebatiña incondicional de sus recursos. Han sido sancionadas leyes que pretenden posibilitar la inconstitucional privatización de nuestras industrias de hidrocarburos y minas, rebajar abruptamente la participación del Estado en ellas, someter las controversias atinente a las mismas a tribunales o árbitros extranjeros.  Se prentende usurpar todos los derechos que corresponden a nuestro pueblo sin asumir ningún deber hacia él.

Tal modelo es insostenible. La propaganda invasora pretende que se abre un lapso de torrenciales inversiones que traerán diluvios de divisas y de prosperidad. En otro lugar hemos reseñado el fracaso de la reunión del 9 de enero de 2026 entre el Presidente de Estados Unidos y unas 17 empresas petroleras de dicho país, para repartirse el botín energético de Venezuela. Ni una sola avanzó un solo dólar de inversión. Consideraban al país “uninvestable”, no invertible, por falta de seguridad jurídica, porque extraer la primera gota de petróleo requeriría inversión de mil millones de dólares y plazo de diez años, porque parte de la riqueza  está ya comprometida.

En efecto, sobre más del 45% de los yacimientos petroleros y gasíferos han sido legalmente otorgadas concesiones por más de 25 años a empresas chinas y a filiales de la petrolera estatal rusa Roznef, las cuales  exploraban  y extraían hidrocarburos mientras el bloqueo estadounidense impedía el mantenimiento de gran parte de los yacimientos restantes. Entre los vacíos informativos posteriores a la invasión figura el del status actual de esas explotaciones rusas y chinas y el de los hidrocarburos u otros minerales producidos en ellas.  Los ingresos provenientes de tales concesiones son inalienablemente venezolanos, y como tales, deben ingresar al Fisco y ser distribuidos mediante el Presupuesto y la Administración nacionales.

Por otra parte, el enemigo mantiene inflexiblemente su posición agresiva. Ni una sola del millar de medidas coercitivas unilaterales aplicadas contra Venezuela ha sido abrogada. No se han liberado los rehenes secuestrados por la fuerza bruta. No se ha reconocido la patente falsedad de los pretextos para la invasión: inexistencia del llamado Cartel de los Soles y del extinto Tren de Aragua, inexistencia de la producción y el contrabando de sustancias ilícitas, inexistencia de una mayoría opositora que habría obtenido supuestas mayorías electorales. Ni una palabra se ha dicho sobre las reparaciones por los daños causados por un  atroz acoso de un cuarto de siglo y un bloqueo de más de una década, por un bombardeo ejecutado por centenar y medio de aeronaves, por los bienes de Venezuela ilegítimamente confiscados en el exterior. Contra nuestro país se mantiene todo el rigor y la coacción de un estado de Guerra ilegítima, no autorizada por el Congreso de Estados Unidos.

En texto anterior  señalamos  que el invasor, mediante la Executive Order 14.373, pretende que todo ingreso procedente de los hidrocarburos y minerales venezolanos –históricamente, el 80% de la entrada de divisas del país- sea desviado hacia una partida del Tesoro de Estados Unidos o cuentas secretas privadas en Qatar, bajo administración discrecional estadounidense y única y exclusivamente para adquirir bienes producidos en dicho país.

Con el anuncio del inaceptable latrocinio casi total de nuestros ingresos viene el de la reanudación de relaciones con el Fondo Monetario Internacional y el Banco Mundial, instituciones especializadas en anular la soberanía de los países mediante la extorsión de Deudas Públicas Impagables. Privada de ingresos, Venezuela deberá costear sus gastos aceptando créditos usurarios garantizados con lo que reste de sus bienes y recursos. Los nuevos fondos serán aplicados de manera preferente para cancelar por la totalidad de su valor nominal  deudas adquiridas a precios simbólicos por fondos buitres.

Este despojo total del ingreso público implica efectos devastadores. En los últimos tiempos, el Gasto Social del Gobierno venezolano ascendió a más del 70% de los egresos. La brutal disminución de fondos disponibles acarreará un paralelo desmantelamiento de todos los actuales programas de educación, salud, vivienda, asistencia social, alimentación, cultura, investigación científica, desarrollo agrícola y pecuario, industrialización, defensa  e infraestructuras, por cierto ya duramente castigados por más de un cuarto de siglo de agresión, una década de bloqueo y más de un millar de medidas coercitivas unilaterales destinadas a estrangular y destruir nuestra economía.

Con el desmantelamiento de dichos programas o la reducción drástica del personal de los mismos imponiéndoles salarios apenas simbólicos, vendrá una oleada de desempleo que la limitada inversión privada será incapaz de absorber.

Esta situación arrojará efectos políticos. En la medida en que se muestren progresivamente incapaces de paliar las más vitales necesidades de la población, se producirá una merma en el apoyo hacia las organizaciones que colaboren con la ocupación.

La oposición de derecha, desechada como instrumento político por los invasores por su falta de apoyo popular, se hará progresivamente violenta buscando hacer méritos ante los ocupantes. Procesos electorales administrados por las mismas firmas que cometieron fraudes en Honduras, Perú, Ecuador y otros países legitimarán  simulacros inconsistentes que arrebatarán el poder a las organizaciones representativas.

Se sancionarán drásticas reformas en las leyes laborales que revertirán o aniquilarán los derechos de los trabajadores, con  repercusiones  sociales, económicas y políticas iguales a las que  medidas de tal índole acarrearon durante el pasado siglo.

La colaboración con los invasores reportará ganancias ilegales a una ínfima élite de traficantes de influencias y especuladores transnacionales, y anulará el prestigio de los movimientos políticos y sociales que se entreguen a ella.

Del Imperio puede decirse, como de los Borbones, que no ha olvidado ni aprendido nada. Emprenderá sistemática, implacable e integral erradicación de cuantos movimientos tengan o hayan tenido orientación progresista o asomos de ella. Una vez  agotada su utilidad, el sector colaboracionista  no será la excepción. De los medios, programas educativos y de la Historia misma desaparecerán los hechos e ideas de los Libertadores, o serán grotescamente falsificados para que representen lo opuesto de sus ideales. Siguiendo lineamientos de Rudolf Atkon, la educación será meramente instrumental; de acuerdo con los de Laura Berns, se eliminará la educación superior gratuita.

Todos sabemos lo que esconde el ensordecedor silencio que nos oprime. Sin consulta alguna sobre nuestra voluntad, se pretende despojarnos de soberanía, Independencia, recursos naturales autonomía, derechos, pasado, presente y futuro, a favor de una potencia agresora que nos odia y  desprecia.

Desde la invasión se libran dos batallas: una por la aniquilación de nuestro país, y otra por la plena recuperación de la soberanía, los recursos, la Independencia, la autonomía y la autodeterminación del pueblo venezolano.

Ya sabes en cuál bando debes estar.

La defensa propia es el más innegable de los Derechos Humanos, y nos corresponde ejercerla como Resistencia en la medida de nuestras posibilidades, con pensamientos, palabras y obras. Ideas para comprender la atroz realidad, palabras para denunciarla, obras para modificarla. Las organizaciones existentes han de ser orientadas hacia la resistencia y la victoria; cuando ello no sea posible, cabe crear otras nuevas.  Hay tantas formas de resistencia como personas y talentos; cada quien debe asumirla en el ámbito de sus habilidades, capacidades  y competencias. La resistencia debe revestir más formas que la opresión que combate, y un pueblo tiene derecho a ejercerlas todas antes que consentir en su servidumbre o su extinción.

Resisto, luego existo.

imperialism
Anti-Imperialism
Venezuela
national sovereignty
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