Ahmed Sékou Touré’s Unique and Dynamic Contribution to the Philosophy of Class Struggle
The ideology of Touréism combines aspects of Marxist – Leninist methodology with traditional African values.
“There is no part of the peoples’ socio-cultural life that capitalism/ imperialism does not attempt to dominate, commodify and corrupt.”
Ahmed Sékou Touré (referred to in this paper as AST or Touré) was a prolific Pan African, nationalist union leader in Guinea, Conakry when Guinea was still under French Colonialism. His disciplined organizing and activism was a decisive factor in the fusion of the trade union movement with the political party, the Democratic Party of Guinea (PDG). This activism also facilitated his successful campaign to become Guinea’s first president from 1958 to 1984. It was Sékou Touré who defiantly told the French President Charles de Gaulle who proposed that Guinea join the Franco-African community, that Guinea preferred to keep their dignity in freedom rather than join the neo-colonial Franco-African community. In his words “We for our part, have a first and indispensable need, that of our dignity” …” Now there is no dignity without freedom… We prefer freedom in poverty to riches in slavery.”[i]
Sékou Touré and the People’s Democratic Party of Guinea (PDG) are known in the Pan African world for their great contributions to Revolutionary Pan Africanism in general and Guinean independence in particular. This includes but is not limited to his close friendship with the trailblazing Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah whom he made co-president of Guinea after Nkrumah’s government was overthrown by a CIA supported coup in 1966. This friendship was reciprocal since Nkrumah, President of Ghana at the time, gave Guinea a significant financial loan after its independence when it was desperately needed. Touré and the PDG’s anti-colonial Pan-African contributions further includes support for liberation movements in Southern Africa as well as support for Patrice Lumumba in his struggle against neo-colonialist forces there in the Congo.
“We prefer freedom in poverty to riches in slavery.”[ii]
However, arguably the greatest contribution Sekou Touré’ and the PDG made to anti-colonial Pan-Africanism was the life-line of assistance it provided to the African Party for independence of Guinea-Bissau & Cape Verde (PAIGC) and its leader Amilcar Cabral during its anti-colonial war against the Portuguese. Touré’s consistent advocacy for anti-colonial Pan-African unity was also expressed in his role in the Guinea-Ghana-Mali union. Although there are more examples of Touré’s sterling work in Revolutionary Pan-African organizational leadership, the purpose of this paper is to highlight somewhat lesser known of his contributions, namely in the realm of theory. As an outstanding revolutionary socialist thinker of Africa and the global south he properly situated revolutionary ideology in the context of culture.
Touré’s unique and brilliant philosophical synthesis of religious postulates and socialist principles, including dialectical and historical materialism and class struggle, is one such example. This synthesis qualifies him not only as revolutionary socialist Pan-Africanist but also as a theorist and practitioner of a liberation theology.
Two natures in Human kind: The People and the Anti-People
For Touré class struggle is rooted in the concept of the People vs the Anti-People which he says are two natures in human kind.
It is best expressed in the following quotation:
“Society has been marked by the existence of two natures of life, two natures transposing themselves in thought, action, behavior and in the options of men, whether political, economic, social or cultural. In other words, there are two human natures in mankind and in each people; we have the People itself and the anti-People, with a permanent struggle being waged between the two, the class struggle.” [iii]
Accordingly, the People are always waging class struggle be it consciously or unconsciously.[iv] Kwame Ture (formerly Stokely Carmichael) a Touré protégé, used to tell us that imperialism seeks to make us think immorally with precise logic and therefor the moral struggle to guide Africa’s reconstruction is vital. The moral struggle, the battle of values, is the first line of struggle as it is a fundamental part of the ideological struggle in any society. There is no part of the peoples’ socio-cultural life that capitalism/ imperialism does not attempt to dominate, commodify and corrupt. This dominance ensures continued economic exploitation, and our religious / spiritual institutions are no exception. Understanding the spiritual nature of our people, capitalism has focused special attention on corrupting that aspect by injecting its psychological conditioning in an attempt to achieve a cultural paralysis. Dialectically, religion, like other aspects of culture, can be used for reaction or revolution. The masses often seek religion as a moral guide to wage the spiritual battle against evil, however in order to continue to win even moral victories against our class enemy, and not be mere objects of history, this class struggle must be waged at increasingly higher and more conscious levels that combine the spiritual with the political, cultural, and economic spheres of life. Ideologically, Touré and the PDG argue unequivocally that… “the class struggle is multifaceted and global and that in all things it is the class interest that pre-dominates.” [v]
The artistic feature of this theory is that it weaves together revolutionary political, ethical and religious theory and thereby allows people to become more conscious of the permanent, internal class struggle within each of us, thereby addressing the enemy within. This struggle is expressed not only on the level of morals, ethics, values but also as Touré and the PDG would say, it necessarily includes the struggle at the spiritual level, the battle between good and evil. This comprehensive understanding of class struggle means that it is expressed in all forms of oppression and therefor allows for an intersectional analysis that includes race, gender and other forms of oppression since they all have the common denominator of the battle between good and evil.
The Faithful and Class Struggle
As we know the masses of African people are a spiritual people and therefore religion and spirituality play a significant role in life. Guinea being a predominantly Muslim country (85% Muslim, 8% Christian, 7% traditional beliefs)[vi] is no exception. This background is important because it is an aspect of the ontology of Touré and the PDG which is rooted in the belief that God exists and that the universe is the work of an omniscient, omnipresent, invisible and immortal God.[vii]
In his book Revolution and Religion Tome 26, Touré explains that while the Guinean Revolution rejects philosophical materialism which denies the existence of God and the prominent role of the mind, it absolutely endorses dialectical and historical materialism as fundamental scientific methods of analysis of history and the world. Some dogmatic Marxists would see this as an unacceptable contradiction in revolutionary theory, however for Touré and the PDG it made total sense. It follows that the battle between good and evil, something all believers understand, is the spiritual expression of the class struggle.[viii]
Touré says that just as the battle between good and evil is a permanent battle in humans, so also is the class struggle a permanent battle that is multi-form and varies in intensity and expression. We can recall that Sekou Touré’s great grandfather, Almamy Samory Touré, was a legendary hero resisting French colonialism in the late nineteenth century. He used Islam as a unifying force to fight the French, marking a tradition of leadership in this regard.[ix] At the same time it is important to note that Guinea is a secular state because as Touré explained, the action by the whole population that led to the establishment of the state was a function of their political awareness not a function of religious doctrine and also because they… “wanted secularity to be the guarantee of freedom of conscience for every Guinean citizen or foreigner….”
Teach the Revolution around you, train yourself, and if you are Catholic, and stay so, you will be the best Catholics of the Revolution; if you are Muslim, and stay so, you will be the model Muslims of the Revolution; if you are Pagan, you will be the most upright Pagans of the Revolution. No matter what your spiritual choices may be, as long as it is no longer a question of the next world but of this concrete world of permanent struggle, you must know that your conduct and behavior have to be ordered by the Revolution.[x]
Class Struggle as the Driving Force
As distinct from classical Marxism, for Touré class struggle is a permanent part of human existence and therefore preceded classes and will continue even in a classless society. “Class struggle is all the more a universal and permanent phenomenon as everywhere and at all times, men act with respect to the necessities of life, with respect to their modes of production with respect to their present and future interests.”[xi]
The class struggle while permanent, changes in quantity and quality expressed in minor non-antagonistic contradictions during the communal mode of production to increasing more antagonistic levels of struggle as the stage of the formation of society into embryonic classes comes into being. The class struggle that preceded the division of society into classes was characterized by a struggle of non-antagonistic contradictions that were at a low level of ideas, morals, values and behavioral tendencies. This is consistent when we understand Touré when he says that every moral is a class moral and every ethic is a class ethic.[xii]
The traditional Marxist idea of class struggle being the motive force of history was famously critiqued by the great African revolutionary Amilcar Cabral in his famous weapon of theory speech in Havana, Cuba at the founding of the Tricontinental in 1966. Cabral essentially said that this assertion was not as precise as it needed to be because it would exclude a significant part of history of societies with long communal modes of production where the emergence of classes had not yet occurred and by extension would also exclude from history any future classless society.[xiii] Touré however qualifies his definition of class struggle to include a spiritual struggle inherent, he says, in all humans so that it is consistent when he says it is permanent and has always been the driver of social evolution.
“Every moral is a class moral and every ethic is a class ethic.”
African people have shown that when we include the spiritual dimension as part of the class struggle it can be empowering at a level consistent with our ideology and culture of resistance.
The history of the evolution of society into classes was marked by the evolution from a mere quantitative to a qualitative change in the character of the class struggle starting with the evolution of slavery from communalism. Societies evolved through stages, from the communal mode of production which preceded the formation of classes to the formation of classes. Once the evolution of classes took shape, they are characterized by the fundamental antagonistic contradiction of what Touré calls the People’s class vs. the anti-Peoples class. Within these classes there are different strata and social categories within the strata. [xiv] For example, at the stage of Guinea’s independence the People’s class consisted mostly of farmers/peasants (who are the overwhelming majority of the population). Also, workers, craftsmen and a smaller percentage of what Touré calls intellectual workers whose ideological and moral education has led them to be committed to the service of the community, constituted the People’s class.
These different strata and categories include relationships that are not totally in harmony due to intra-strata aspirations and therefore contain intra- and inter-strata contradictions of a minor type, or in other words, anti-People elements within the Peoples class. Touré explains that the PDG made a strategic decision not to declare a class struggle against the smaller class cleavages that existed in the country while the fundamental contradiction existed between the French colonial power and the anti-colonial forces. The fundamental antagonistic contradiction between the colonizer and the colonized required the mobilization of the whole population in the service of the successful resolution of the anti-colonial class struggle to the stage of independence. The anti-Peoples class included feudal and bourgeois minded individuals living on human exploitation, smugglers, neo- colonial minded intellectuals, industrialists, traders, corrupt officers and functionaries who were unwilling to convert to the new moral standards.[xv]
It is worth mentioning that Touré appears to have updated his position on the existence of antagonistic classes in Africa in pre-capitalist societies from Africa on the Move Vol. X published in the mid 1960’s to Strategy and Tactics of the Revolution vol. XXI published about a decade later. In Vol. X he says that although there were ‘social differentiations’ they were not traceable to social contradiction or classes. [xvi] Later in Vol XXI he clearly states that antagonistic classes emerged at the time of slavery and feudalism and that Guinea’s history follows the law of division of society into social classes.[xvii]
Culture, Ideology and the Revolutionary African Personality:
Touré defines Culture:
“By Culture we understand all the material and immaterial works of art and science, plus knowledge, manners, education, a mode of thought, behavior and attitudes accumulated by the people both through and by virtue of their struggle for freedom from the hold and dominion of nature; we also include the result of their efforts to destroy deviationist politics -- social systems of domination and exploitation through the productive process of social life.” [xviii]
Touré’s theory of ideology and culture includes the following:
The material base of all culture is its mode of production, which characterizes the class relationships people have with one another and therefor the level of intensity of the class struggle. The class struggle is conditioned by who owns and controls what is produced, whose interests it serves, whether the majority or a minority, and the degree of exploitation of labor.
The people create culture and ideology simultaneously and that every society has its dominant culture.
To each culture corresponds an ideology. Culture and ideology are reciprocally reinforcing and in dialectical motion. Specifically, culture is the container and ideology its contents.[xix] Another way to understand this relationship between culture and ideology metaphorically, ideology is the blood which circulates through the organism or society’s culture. Nkrumah similarly points out that the ideology of a society is total and aims at uniting the people towards specific goals even though it can be largely implicit.[xx] By extension, the consumption of culture simultaneously involves the ingestion of ideology, since ideology is contained in culture. Ideology in turn acts upon the people and the culture. It follows that although instinctively contested and resisted by the oppressed masses, the dominant cultural consumption by the masses determines for the most part their ideological orientation and direction.
Conversely a revolutionary ideology does not only seek to abolish the existing order of the capitalist anti- Peoples’ class, it simultaneously seeks to replace it with a qualitatively new one like socialism. In order to accomplish this, using the metaphor of an organism, from a revolutionary perspective society would require a blood transfusion, getting rid of the infected blood (ideology) and replacing it with healthy revolutionary blood. This transfusion and transformation must be coordinated and constantly maintained by a Revolutionary Party that understands, develops and maintains the critical competence of producing revolutionary consciousness among the people. Touré explained the formula when he said ideological education and revolutionary practice are what produce revolutionary consciousness and without which there can be no Revolution. [xxi]
“Culture and ideology are reciprocally reinforcing and in dialectical motion.”
The culture and accompanying ideology of any society is in constant dialectical motion and struggle with competing ideologies, but at any given point even if seriously contested, it is either dominantly revolutionary/progressive or dominantly reactionary (counterrevolutionary). This is largely dictated by the society’s mode of production and also by the intensity or level of conscious organized class struggle being waged by the people. Touré was not alone in calling for the re-assertion of Africa’s cultural personality. Nkrumah, Cabral and Fanon among others understood and advocated the need for a revolutionary re-awakening of African culture which had been “mummified” as Fanon put it by colonialism. This cultural mummification and alienation leads to mummified thinking and a psychology of oppression replete with massive inferiority complexes against which our people still struggle.[xxii] Touré describes it profoundly when he said, “This science of depersonalizing the colonized people is sometimes so subtle in its methods that it progressively succeeds in falsifying our natural psychic behavior and devaluing our own original virtues and qualities with a view to our assimilation.” [xxiii]
Much like Cabral, Touré says that “Africa’s resistance to foreign rule was an act of culture for it proceeds from the acknowledgement of her personality and all of the values there attached.” [xxiv] The process of de-colonizing and rehabilitating our cultural personality, which was completely distorted under colonialism in a way that made us complicit in our own oppression, requires a mass reawakening to revolutionary consciousness. This reawakening is to be achieved by wielding the Revolutionary African Personality, which prioritizes an ideological identity over a biological one. Wielding the revolutionary African personality means waging a conscious organized class struggle in the interest of the People’s class against the anti-People’s class at the level of morals, ethics, culture, politics, and economics, internally and externally in the context of the cultural and world revolution. This is the necessary path to defeat and reversethe cultural counter-revolution and rehabilitate African people from the maldeveloped effects of colonialism and neo-colonialism, which have maintained a hold on our culture. This will at the same time develop our cultural equipment to defeat the challenges of imperialism in all of its current manifestations.
Guinea, the Non-Capitalist path and Socialism
Guinea’s independence in 1958 until the 8th Congress of the PDG in 1967 marked the phase of National Democracy. This phase was characterized by the liquidation of structures of colonialism, replaced with appropriate party structures and an intensification of the class struggle against emerging bourgeoisie, smugglers and bureaucrats.[xxv] It also required at the same time successfully meeting the challenge of forging a higher level of national unity that transcended ethnic divisions. [xxvi]
Although exceedingly difficult, it was logical that the Guinean revolution, when victorious against colonialism and neo-colonialism, should merge with the struggle for socialism. In September 1967 at the 8th Congress of the PDG, Guinea officially proclaimed the socialist path of development. and less than a year later the socialist cultural revolution was launched.[xxvii] This declaration meant a radicalization of the revolution, an intensification of the class struggle within and planned economic development based on the needs of the masses. In general, it marked a higher level of organizational production and accountability. For example, it was at this time that the Central Committee decided on the creation of the PRL (Local Revolutionary Authority) as a structure to organize work and educate at the local level according to PDG ideology. This decision was however not implemented on the village level because of bourgeois anti-People elements who opposed it. In the party, counterrevolutionary elements (a fifth column) began to organize and sabotage revolutionary work apparently jointly organized and supported from abroad. It led to the arrest and liquidation of several agents of imperialism. [xxviii]
The years between 1967 and 1970 marked a period of vicious struggle involving sabotage by imperialism’s paid agents culminating in the November 22nd. 1970 attack from abroad by Portuguese colonial forces. Hundreds of faithful Guinean soldiers sacrificed their lives so that the masses of Guinea could be victorious successfully defending the Guinean homeland, including its PAIGC base, from recolonization. Similar to Cuba’s heroic defense of its territory in 1960 this was Guinea’s “Bay of Pigs” and having successfully defended themselves brought a sense of great pride and confidence.
“Hundreds of faithful Guinean soldiers sacrificed their lives defending the homeland.”
This marked the beginning of the phase of the Party State, which is the merger of the State, the structural tool of the people, with the Party, the political instrument of the People. This is a more qualified stage beyond the stage of national democracy and marked one of the victories of the Guinean revolution and the PDG. The building of socialism was a work in progress and according to Touré; “The time of triumphant socialism will come when there will be no more reality based on human exploitation. Everybody will have identified himself with it, interpreting its laws and principles, defending its objectives.”[xxix] Touré and the PDG also emphasized a non-capitalist path of development as well as the declaration of a Socialist Cultural revolution in 1968. Touré said one of the reasons he felt it necessary to declare a non-capitalist path of development is because there were some leaders in Africa, who while paying lip service to socialism, were still maintaining colonial structures and ties. He made it clear that Guinea would follow the option of scientific socialism. He also was determined that building and achieving socialism did not require first going through a full capitalist mode of production.
Socialism presupposes the appropriation of the means of production by the masses of people and in their interests, and this cannot be sustained without a socialist consciousness among a dominant sector of the masses, socialist organization, labor and culture. While it is not the focus of this paper to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the Guinean economy, it suffices to say that the socialist project remained a work in process. Reportedly there were indications that socialist production improved agricultural production, but Guinea still fell short in its ability to satisfy its needs without having to import food.[xxx] Touré argued that economic needs should always be a function of political objectives and not vice versa. This position is difficult if not impossible to maintain when the majority stake holders in the major means of production (the Bauxite industry) is an American company as was the case in Guinea.[xxxi]
Women in Guinea:
Touré, like other African Revolutionaries, understood the critical role and importance of women’s emancipation and that they were an oppressed sector of society. If Guinea were to be liberated women had to be empowered. Like many countries in Africa the oppression and discrimination of women was obvious especially at the level of marriage. Young girls are valued as commodities when they are forced into arranged marriages at an early age. Early marriage prevents girls from reaching their full potential on several levels but especially because it virtually prohibits their opportunity to be educated. Touré immediately abolished oppressive practices after independence such as forced marriage, polygamy and huge dowries.[xxxii] He understood that re-educating the people to “wield the revolutionary African personality” also included changing the thinking, attitudes and treatment of women. This thinking was characterized by Touré in his booklet Women in Society when he stated:
“The emancipation of women denotes the emancipation of man; it is the emancipation of a whole people. … Hence, our assertion that man’s emancipation is subordinate to that of women, with both of them linked dialectically”[xxxiii]
Touré was determined to have women make their contribution to society in all career areas as well as non-traditional ones. This would take some time since women started from a deficit in education after independence. Women did become successful in many career areas however in political representation there remained some deficits. Research shows that although women were appropriately represented on local levels where there were a number of positions reserved for women they have not fared as well on the national level. During the first 15 years after independence women only held two cabinet level positions, and there were no women on the national political bureau. There were a few elected as deputies and one, Mde. Jean Martin Cisse, served as vice president of the national assembly and subsequently became the Guinean ambassador to the UN in 1972.[xxxiv]
It is apparent that because of the educational deficits faced by women before independence, more should have been done to ensure women’s representation on higher political governing bodies.
The Masses as the Makers of History:
AST/PDG ideology is rooted in the concept that the people, the masses, are the makers of history, but they can be subjects of history or mere objects of history.[xxxv] This distinction depends on the degree of resistance to their oppression. The People, (both the People and the Anti-People) are constantly contributing to culture and ideology which is mostly dictated by the dominant mode of production in society. Every society has both reactionary and progressive tendencies, these are in constant dialectical motion and constantly engaging in class struggle at every level including the spiritual, the moral, political etc. this happens consciously and unconsciously. When the colonized or neo-colonized are resisting the dominant oppressive culture, they are making contribution to their history of resistance and become subjects or agents of their history. When this is not the case, they are contributing to the culture of the status quo, the oppressor capitalist culture and for the time being they remain objects of history.
When the People are organized in a Revolutionary Party which is the “brain” to any liberation movement or government, they are consciously engaged in organized cultural and ideological production and consumption on many levels, this means that they are appropriately waging conscious organized class struggle on a daily basis.
In the case of Guinea, the party of the masses the PDG were wielding the Revolutionary African personality to rehabilitate African culture in an effort to make it a modern scientific socialist country.
Sékou Touré and the PDG have made an original and valuable contribution to revolutionary theory of the African and world revolutions. The ideology of Touréism combines aspects of Marxist – Leninist methodology with traditional African values and its cultural personality which he said was inherently collectivist or communocratic.[xxxvi]
Touré’s contributions to theory described in this paper are:
First of all, his synthesis of religious philosophy with socialist principles. The value of this contribution is that it can be adapted to other religious beliefs which can be similarly merged with socialist principles. Secondly, his unique definition of class struggle which he shows exists permanently in humans and begins as an internal spiritual struggle between good and evil, even in a classless society. This concept should be expanded to include an intersectional analysis that is inclusive of not only class, race and gender oppressions but also LGBTQ, caste and other oppressions, for example the oppression of albino people which still persists in Africa. Thirdly, his analysis of the relationship between culture and ideology including the revolutionary African personality as an ideological weapon to defeat and reverse the Euro-centric capitalist cultural counter-revolution. This ideological weapon can be adapted to any culture in any society including the intersectional analysis described. Touré’s position that people are always contributing to culture and ideology should be carefully analyzed in order to customize and weaponize any progressive cultural and ideological products by oppressed people of the world.
While Touré and the PDG made valuable contributions to theory, they necessarily also made errors which should be studied. It was always predicted by the West that Guinea could not survive without French support and massive technical assistance. The fact that this was disproved was in a sense a victory in itself. However, building a socialist society is a process with many obstacles and if we define socialism as the masses of people owning and controlling the major means of production, research shows that Guinea fell short in this area.[xxxvii]
This article is an effort to open a window into some aspects of the ideology and philosophy of Sékou Touré and the PDG during the early years of Guinea’s independence and its subsequent struggle to consolidate and institutionalize socialism.
Djibo Sobukwe is a former Central Committee member of the All African People’s Revolutionary Party who worked with Kwame Ture on the political Education Committee he can be contacted at [email protected]
[i] Panaf Great Lives, Sékou Touré. London: Panaf Books, 1978, 11
[ii] Panaf Great Lives, Sékou Touré. London: Panaf Books, 1978, 11
[iii] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Women in Society, trans. All African Women’s Revolutionary Union, 26
[iv] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Technique De La Révolution TOME XVIII, 1971, 404
[v] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Technique De La Révolution TOME XVIII, 1971, p. 404
[vii] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Revolution and Religion Tome 26, p 39
[viii] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Women in Society, trans. All African Women’s Revolutionary Union, 22
[ix] Panaf Great Lives, Sékou Touré. London: Panaf Books, 1978, p. 23
[x] Imre Marton. The Political Thought of President Ahmed Sékou Touré. (Conakry: Patrice Lumumba press, 1977) p. 96, 97
[xi] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Strategy and Tactics of the Revolution English Edition vol. XXI, trans. Chérif Diallo & Oumar Barry (Conakry: Patrice Lumumba press, 1978) 202.
[xii] Ibid., p. 300.
[xiii] Amilcar Cabral, Unity and Struggle Speeches and Writings, Text selected by the PAIGC, trans. Michael Wolfers
(New York & London: Monthly Review Press, 1979) 124, 125
[xiv] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Strategy and Tactics of the Revolution English Edition vol. XXI, trans. Chérif Diallo & Oumar Barry (Conakry: Patrice Lumumba press, 1978) 190.
[xv] Ibid, 186 - 190
[xvi] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Africa on the Move, Tome X, Conakry, Patrice Lumumba, 1977, 212
[xvii] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Strategy and Tactics of the Revolution English Edition vol. XXI, trans. Chérif Diallo & Oumar Barry (Conakry: Patrice Lumumba press, 1978), 188, 192, 200
[xviii] Ahmed Sékou Touré, “A Dialectical Approach to Culture” (in The Black Scholar Journal, November 1969) 3 - 18
[xix] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Revolution Culture Pan-Africanism (African Democratic Revolution No. 88 English First Edition) no place or date, 70,71.
[xx] Kwame Nkrumah, Consciencism: philosophy and ideology for de- colonization (New York & London: Modern Reader paperback edition, 1970), 58
[xxi] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Strategy and Tactics of the Revolution English Edition vol. XXI, trans. Chérif Diallo & Oumar Barry (Conakry: Patrice Lumumba press, 1978), 9.
[xxii] Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, trans. Haakon Chevalier (New York: Grove Press, Inc., 1969), 34.
[xxiii] Ahmed Sékou Touré, The Political Leader Considered as The Representative of a Culture (Jihad productions,),3
[xxiv] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Revolution Culture Pan-Africanism (African Democratic Revolution No. 88 English First Edition) no place or date, 73
[xxv] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Strategy and Tactics of the Revolution English Edition vol. XXI, trans. Chérif Diallo & Oumar Barry (Conakry: Patrice Lumumba press, 1978), 155.
[xxvi] Ibid., 67
[xxvii] Ibid., 463,464
[xxviii] Ibid., 156,157,158
[xxix] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Strategy and Tactics of the Revolution English Edition vol. XXI, trans. Chérif Diallo & Oumar Barry (Conakry: Patrice Lumumba press, 1978), 170
[xxx] Panaf Great Lives, Sékou Touré. London: Panaf Books, 1978, p.184
[xxxi] K. Swindell, Industrialization in Guinea, Geographical Association, Geography, vol. 54 No 4 (November 1969), 456
[xxxii] Graldyne Pemberton Diallo Ph.D., The philosophy of Ahmed Sékou Touré and its impact on the development of the Republic of Guinea: 1958 - 1971, Doctoral Dissertation, City University of New York, 1990,138 -143
[xxxiii] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Women in Society, trans. All African Women’s Revolutionary Union,33
[xxxiv] Graldyne Pemberton Diallo Ph.D., The philosophy of Ahmed Sékou Touré and its impact on the development of the Republic of Guinea: 1958 - 1971, Doctoral Dissertation, City University of New York, 1990,142,143
[xxxv] Ahmed Sékou Touré, La Révolution Culturelle Tome XVII (Genève, Kundig 1972), 154; and Ahmed Sékou Touré, Technique De La Révolution TOME XVIII, no place or date, 404.
[xxxvi] Ahmed Sékou Touré, Africa on the Move, Tome X, Conakry, Patrice Lumumba, 1977, 53
[xxxvii] Samir Amin, Neo-Colonialism in West Africa, Trans. Francis McDonagh, New York & London, Monthly Review Press 1973, 86, 94