The picture of a post-racial America that corporate media pundits fondly paint and serve up to us is about as credible as the declarations six months ago by some of the same experts that the economy was "fundamentally sound," One need look no further than corporate media coverage of the Obama administration.
This article originally appeared in the March issue of Extra, a publication of Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR)
âWhen rich white pundits start suggesting that âthereâs a lot of advantages to being black. Black is in,â all you can do is laugh.â
There were early indications that corporate media coverage of Barack Obamaâs candidacy would be squirm-inducing, putting on display the elite (mainly white) press corpsâ murky ideas about race much more than any straightforward reckoning of black Americansâ situation or what an Obama presidency might mean for their concerns.
Journalists were sometimes embarrassingly frank about how they interpreted Obamaâs blackness and what they hoped his success might mean. âNo history of Jim Crow, no history of anger, no history of slavery,â declared NBCâs Chris Matthews (1/21/07). âAll the bad stuff in our history ainât there with this guy.â âFor many white Americans, itâs a twofer,â opined the New Republic (2/5/07). âElect Obama, and you not only dethrone George W. Bush, you dethrone [Al] Sharpton, too.â (See Extra!, 3â4/07.)
Looking to find parallels for the âstuffâ they did like, journalists turned to fiction, as when Jonathan Alter (Newsweek, 10/27/08) alleged that voters âdecided they liked Obama when he reminded them more of Will Smith than Jesse Jackson,â or when CNN (6/22/08) told viewers that Michelle Obama âwants to appear to be Claire Huxtable and not Angela Davis.â
The fondest hope seemed to be that an Obama victory (if not his strong candidacy alone) would absolve us of any need to talk about racism any more. Newsweekâs Howard Fineman (5/14/08) wrote that, in announcing his run for office, Obama was making a statement: that his candidacy would be the exclamation point at the end of our four-century-long argument over the role of African-Americans in our society. By electing a mixed-race man of evident brilliance, moderate mien and welcoming smile, we would finally cease seeing each other through color-coded eyes.
ââWeâ didnât all imagine that a nonwhite man running for president would mean an end to racism; that belief seems endemic only in the press corps.â
Itâs not clear if Fineman meant Obama said that exactly, or if it was just implied by the way he âradiat[ed] uplift and glorious possibility.â Alas, he continued: âWell, that argument did not end. He and we were naive
to think it would.â
Of course, âweâ didnât all imagine that a nonwhite man running for president would mean an end to racism; that belief seems endemic only in a press corps with a myopic understanding of how racial inequality works.
Thus Fineman lamented, âfar from eliminating racial thinking from politics,â Obamaâs campaign actually drew attention to the subjectâin part because Obama let the Finemans of the world down by having a âmessageâ that was ârace-aware, if not race-based.â
Fineman, like many pundits, seemed to think that acknowledging the distinct experiences faced by people of color is tantamount to claiming these differences trump all other factors in life. Talking about race equals harping about race, and, well, thatâs being racist, isnât it? The goal is to be âpost- racial,â which seems to mean maintaining that racial differences have no impact, all evidence to the contrary notwithstanding.
For some, last November 4 saw the disappearance of racial inequity in America (âPromised Land: Obamaâs Rise Fulfills Kingâs DreamââOklahoman headline, 1/19/09), and with it the need for any countervailing measures.
Conservative columnist Jonah Goldberg (Chicago Tribune, 1/22/09) suggested that âopponents of racial quotas and other champions of colorblindness on the right should be popping champagne,â not to mention ârubbing Barack Obama in [the] facesâ of all those foreign âfinger-waggers eager to lecture . . . America about race and tolerance.â
For those who donât see racial inequity playing out every day in disparate joblessness, incarceration or mortality rates, the presence of a brown-skinned man in the White House means thereâs no more structural work to be done; those struggling from now on have no excuse.
âMany pundits seemed to think that acknowledging the distinct experiences faced by people of color is tantamount to claiming these differences trump all other factors in life.â
At the very least, the black guy winning proved that there are no more voting rights concerns. USA Today (1/9/09) wondered whether the whole Voting Rights Act should be junked ânow that a black man has won the presidency.â And for the Atlanta Journal-Constitutionâs Jim Wooten (1/20/09), the Obama victory âplainlyâ meant that âthe political system that discriminated and the people who designed it are dead and gone.â
The Obama victory was credited with the existence of a demographic of âsuccessfulâ blacks, as illustrated by a magazine (Uptown) that launched in 2004 (âMagazine for Age of Obama,â New York Daily News, 1/19/09). And the hiring of an African-American to coach the Yale football team was âparticularly significant in light of both the election of Obama as the nationâs first black president and in the consistently meager numbers of black head coaches at the top level of college football,â according to the New York Times (1/8/09)âthough the particular relevance of the former is kind of hard to figure.
If being âpost-racialâ involves pretending race/ethnicity doesnât affect opportunity, acting âpost-racialâ means renouncing any measure aimed at ensuring that. Post-election, Obama was called upon to follow through on his âpromiseâ in this regard in early decisions on appointments and policy.
The New York Times (1/15/09) gave the New Republicâs Jeffrey Rosen space to put some questions to new attorney general Eric Holder, including: âDo you agree with Mr. Obamaâs implication that the Supreme Court needs someone who will side with the powerless rather than the powerful? What if the best nominee happens to be a white male?â
The L.A. Times editorial page (12/28/08) lauded Obamaâs cabinet picks, in so doing matter-of-factly contrasting the hiring goals of âqualityâ and âidentity politicsââin this context meaning the hiring of anyone who is not a white man; Obama, it declared, âhas succeeded on both levels.â
Obama could also prove himself to be the right sort of black leaderâthe kind who places responsibility for black peopleâs problems largely with black people themselvesâwith an embrace of the Bush administrationâs No Child Left Behind law. USA Today (1/6/09) draped the case in appropriately patronizing tones with the cringe-worthy âHow to Turn Obamaâs Success Into Gains for Black Boysâ:
âYou can see the message on brick wall murals in inner cities: Yes we can. You can hear it in the music of Black Eyed Peasâ frontman will.i.am: Yes we can.
âYou can imagine hearing it pass the lips of thousands of black mothers, perhaps after awakening their sons early to complete homework before they head off to school, just as President-elect Barack Obamaâs mother did: Yes you can.â
Black mothers encouraging their children? Just imagine!
The idea that, in the Age of Obama, a little early morning encouragement is all that separates black Americans from socio-economic success was abetted even by less unctuous reporting; in the midst of a fairly thoughtful, 8,000-word piece (New York Times, 8/10/08) on complexities in black political leadership, for instance, one is jarred to read that, now that âlegal barriers no longer exist,â the âinequities in the society are subtlerâinferior schools, an absence of employers, a dearth of affordable housingâand the remedies more elusive.â
âUSA Today wondered whether the whole Voting Rights Act should be junked ânow that a black man has won the presidency.ââ
If discriminatory treatment in education, employment and housing are deemed âsubtle,â little wonder that calls for institutional change are heard as strident and outmoded.
Some journalistsâ desire to ânot seeâ racism as an obstacle led them to downplay the historical significance of Obamaâs election. Finding âall the hooplaâ unseemly, press critic Howard Kurtz scoffed (Washington Post, 1/20/09), âIt is hard to envision this level of intensity if John McCain were taking the oath of office.â
It is indeed unlikely that McCain would have been heralded as the first black president in United States history; thatâs true. Nor would he have been greeted with the overwhelming relief of those who wanted above all to see the back of a Republican White House that has brought endless war and economic havoc.
There are probably a number of multi-layered reasons many peopleâincluding, yes, some in the mediaâgreeted the Obama victory with some measure of satisfaction. But when rich white pundits start suggesting that âthereâs a lot of advantages to being black. Black is inâ (Larry King, 1/21/09), all you can do is laugh.
As the Obama presidency moves forward, we should expect continued awkwardness: chin-stroking on how his âloping strideâ and âfondness for pickup basketballâ make for âa new White House iconographyâ (Washington Post, 1/19/09), and contentless verbiage a la Joe Klein (Time, 2/2/09): âHe came to us as the ultimate outsider in a nation of outsidersâthe son of an African visitor and a white woman from Kansasâand he has turned us inside out.â
Also unlikely to abate is elite mediaâs recourse to a litmus, usefully vague and changeable, as to whether Obama is performing like the approved sort of black politician, who is, in Howard Finemanâs words (Newsweek, 1/24/09), âshaped but not limited by [his] heritage.â
That line between being âshapedâ and being âlimited,â of course, will continue to be defined, and vigorously policed, by the elite white press corps.
Janine Jackson is program director of Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR).